Europe's Time Has Come

This is Europe's time to rise to its potential, meeting the demands the world has for what Europe has to offer. This rise will require a change of perspective about what Europe is, what is important to the people of Europe, and what role Europe has in the world. Europe is up to this change, but it will not be easy, cheap, or pleasant for the people of the countries of The European Union (EU), its aspirants, or the United Kingdom. Together they have the opportunity and responsibility to help ensure peace and security. Otherwise, the world will slip farther into authoritarian led wars. It is up to the people of Europe which path we shall take.

Trapped between a revanchist fascist Russia, an ever more belligerent China facing economic headwinds, and an unreliable United States, Europe must become what it has every capacity to be: a foreign and security power in-line with its economic strength. To achieve such an outcome, Europe needs to move beyond consensus on critical issues, beyond the varying definitions of undefendable neutrality in some countries, and beyond utter reliance on the United States for security. This means creating a robust and sustainable European contribution to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), social cohesion within European states, a defense industrial base commensurate with Europe’s size and strength, and a foreign policy apparatus able to represent Europe’s interests around the world. No matter the results of the United States election, a Europe which achieves these outcomes will be a potent force for good in the world, reinforcing NATO, strengthening the EU, providing hope and a future for Ukraine, and proving there is a future for the Western Liberal Democratic Order.

Making such changes, and meeting such demands, will be a departure from business as usual for Europe. None-the-less, the world is not usual. The time for quotidian European interactions is past. The threats to Europe are real. The time has come to act beyond the comfort level of any one country to protect the interests of not only Europe, but the world with which it interacts economically, politically, militarily, and diplomatically. Jean Monnet and Margaret Thatcher would recognize the demands of this time, coming together to create a Europe whole, free, and strong enough to protect its interests in the world in league with allies if it has them or alone if it must.

Demand for Europe

As the world commemorates the second anniversary of Russia’s unprovoked full-scale invasion of Ukraine and goes into the third month of the year of elections, in which who runs the United States in the future will be determined, Europe finds itself surrounded by uncertainty. The rise of authoritarian and wannabe authoritarians within the European Union has weakened it internally while such figures have created conflict and uncertainty worldwide.

For more than 70 years Europe and the United States have been the key bulwarks of Western Liberal Democracy. Within Europe, and particularly in the United States, the walls of that bulwark have been undermined by authoritarian regimes and those who wish to create them. From Hungary, Slovakia and potentially Netherlands, Italy, France, and others within the EU, to Turkey as a questionable NATO ally, Europe is currently struggling to traverse the fractured foundation of the rule of law and unity. This as Russia demonstrated its willingness to conduct wars of imperial aggression is a recipe for instability and potential future subjugation by dictators.

The world needs a united Europe, pushing back against aggression, standing for democracy, and defending the rule of law both internally, and globally. This would be best achieved in collaboration with international partners to include the United States, Japan, South Korea, Australia, New Zealand among others, no matter what combination of these states will be democratic after this year.

Supply by Europe

Collectively, Europe has the largest economy, potential military, industrial base, and diplomatic representation in the world. At present these resources are diffused across independent states within and outside the EU. Add to the EU the countries of The United Kingdom, Turkey, Ukraine, Iceland, Norway, Switzerland, Georgia, Moldova, Albania, North Macedonia, and Montenegro and you find over 20% of the world’s economy represented. No other country has such a capacity. Compare this to China at around 18%, the United States at 13% and Russia at 3%.[1] Europe is huge.

If these resources and capabilities were harnessed toward implementing a unified strategy no country in the world could stand alone against a unified Europe. This is the reason Russia has worked so hard to undermine the European Union, funding political movements across the Union to weaken its institutions and sap its political will. Rather than fall to such outside influences, imagine the awesome power for good Europe could wield if this immense capacity was harnessed toward the common vision for the future: A Europe whole and free as a pillar of international security.

Futures for Europe

Europe has a range of futures before it. Some aspects of these futures it can choose. Some will be determined by forces beyond Europe’s control:

Future 1 – Europe Leads

In this future Europe is united, strong, and free. Foreign influence in European elections is no longer an issue. European security is well protected within NATO and through a robust European defense and diplomatic corps with a supportive and well supplied industrial sector. Europe reaches out across the world to work with cooperative partners and allies to ensure the rule of law and international security are maintained. The people of Europe trust their governments and the institutions above those governments who unite them across a powerful continent.

Future 2 – Europe Follows

In this future Europe never becomes more than it is today, and eventually becomes far less. Outside powers determine Europe’s future, influencing its elections, cutting off military protection, and pitting European countries against each other as authoritarians around the world break the rule of law, launch wars of aggression and expansion, leading to authoritarians within Europe eventually breaking up the continent into competing fiefdoms. The people of Europe are divided, mistrustful of their rulers and each other. Economies shrink, lives are lost lawlessly, and life becomes worse for everyone who remains in this darkness.

Future 3 – Europe Muddles

In this future Europe tries to make the best of difficult circumstances, pushing ahead in some areas, but falling behind in others. It has economic might, but cannot harness it well across the continent. Several countries of the EU counter every attempt at unity and clarity of purpose proposed. Wannabe authoritarian regimes take over more countries within Europe, pushing the Union to an ever-weakening position to irrelevance. The Union pushes on, but cannot find traction, slowly losing power to nationalist sentiments across the continent, and adversaries around the world.

Future 4 – Europe Partners

In this future Europe aligns with like-minded partners around the world to create a community of democracies. Working together this community encourages, supports, and enables other countries to join, becoming democracies themselves. As this community grows its power and ability to attract new democracies grows. From all corners of the world countries move toward democracy, the rule of law, and an international political, military, and diplomatic order based on the founding principles of the United Nations. Europe is a force for good; not just pushing back against authoritarian dictatorship and war but creating the reality of a world whole and free based on its immense power, its partnerships, and its appeal to all of humanity.

The choice

The choice is up to the people of Europe. Shall we fall into the abyss of authoritarian dictate, succumbing under the minor weight of a determined and detrimentally poorly led Russia to our East and belligerent China? Or shall we come together to protect the democracies too many wars of the past have cost us to build? Shall we stand up for the rights and liberties we hold dear for ourselves, those who want to join us, and those around the world who share our values? Shall we come together to overcome malicious influence in our elections and politics, protect the rule of law, defend those who are attacked, and stand up for ourselves and our neighbors? Shall we unite to become the Europe we can be, the Europe we need to be, and the Europe the world needs to defend peace and prosperity?

For the sake of our future and to honor our past, let us make the choice of our present to become what Europe can be. Europe’s time has come.

Jeremy Strozer is a private citizen, strategic planning consultant, global security researcher and advisor, and former U.S. State Department official living in Ireland.

[1] https://www.worldeconomics.com/Indicator-Data/Economic-Size/Country-Share-of-Global-GDP.aspx

Icy

British Invasion of Iceland 1940

Word came down early this morning an observation plane flew over Reykjavik for more than an hour. At 03:40, a fellow policeman spotted a small fleet of ships off the harbor, but could not tell what nationality they were.

Following the news of the invasion and capitulation of Denmark, as well as the sudden invasion and occupation of Norway by the Germans, we’re naturally a little on edge about a foreign fleet of ships showing up off of our coast. Finar Arnalds, our acting Chief of Police, went out to see for himself. Realizing the ships were British, he contacted the Foreign Ministry to inform them our neutrality was about to be violated and headed out with our party to meet the ships as they docked.

Finar asked to speak with the captain of the first British ship, a destroyer, but was refused.

He then called the Prime Minister, who ordered him not to interfere with the British troops and to try to prevent conflicts between them and Icelanders.

Now they are pulling up to the quays, preparing to unload troops. A small crowd has assembled to see the British land. The British consul, who clearly received notice of the invasion, is waiting with his associates to assist the troops as they arrive. He walks up to Fris, our Commander.

"Would you mind ... getting the crowd to stand back a bit, so that the soldiers can get off the destroyer?" he asks.

"Certainly," comes Fris’ reply.

We’re here to keep the peace.

As the first British troops begin their descent from their ship, the crowd becomes agitated, calling out names and yelling at them to go home.

“Calm those folks down!” Fris orders our small contingent.

I’m not calm. My home is being invaded by a foreign army.

We spread out, attempting to talk the people away from yelling at the British.

“Sir, please remain calm. We will inform them they are violating our neutrality.” I offer in the most calming voice that I can muster to a man impatiently holding a cigarette in his shaking hands.

“They’re no better than the Germans, invading us like this! How is this different from Oslo? I’ll tell you how, at least there, the Norwegians resisted!”

He’s right, at least in Oslo the Norwegians put up a fight, sinking several German ships.

“Yes, but the Norwegians have a military. Sir, we have 70 policemen in the whole of Reykjavík. What would you have us do?” I reply, hoping the facts of the matter will settle him.

What can we do? They have hundreds of men pouring out of these ships. We couldn’t stop them even if we wanted to.

The rest of the crowd seems to be calming down, but this man has burned through one cigarette and is already on another. Simply burning through, rather than smoking them, as he barely brings the lit sticks to his mouth in between raves.

“I tell you, this is the end of our freedom! We’ll be at war, occupied by a foreign power. This is the end of our independence!” he barks, barely taking a break to breathe between snippets of anger.

How long will they be here? Will the Germans invade now that the British have? How will we feed them?

A less than impressive line of British soldiers begins walking up the street in front of the crowd. Wrinkled uniforms, sickly looking men, and an odd assortment of hand-held weapons combine to create the impression of a retreating, rather than invading army.

They look awful.

As I’m gazing at the motley bunch of British soldiers, the agitated man slips past me, heading directly for one of the meeker looking men in British uniform.

What’s he going to do?

Running after him, I cannot catch him in time.

He grabs hold of the poor soldier’s weapon.

No, don’t cause a problem, please!

“Take your hands from that man’s gun!” I say softly as I come up behind him, taking his arm.

Without noticing me, he stuffs a cigarette in the barrel of the gun, and then throws it back to the shocked soldier.

“Be careful with this!” the man yells at the stunned British boy soldier.

I pull him away as a British officer starts yelling at the poor soldier.

May that be the worst thing that happens today.

The man, clearly satisfied with his actions, turns and walks away.

I turn back to watch the motley army invade my homeland.

A British soldier smiles at me.

I smile back.

On May 10, 1940, a quickly assembled, poorly trained, and under-equipped British force of 746 Marines from the 2nd Royal Marine Battalion conducted Operation Fork, the invasion of neutral Iceland by landing in Reykjavik. On the heels of the German invasions of Denmark and Norway, the British felt they could not lose access to the North Atlantic and had to act quickly, despite Iceland’s declared neutrality in the war. The British ordered a reserve unit of untrained men (the only men currently available) into immediate action. (The 2nd Battalion only received orders to prepare for deployment on May 3.) The only resistance met was one man, who grabbed a soldier’s weapon, stubbed his cigarette out in its barrel, and then left the scene.

That evening, the Icelandic government formally issued a statement noting their neutrality had been “flagrantly violated” and “its independence infringed.” Iceland wanted no part in the war and intended for both warring parties to stay away from its territory. The British government attempted to put lipstick on the pig by promising payment for any damage, favorable trade agreements, non-interference in domestic affairs, and a promise that troops would be withdrawn at the end of the war. The Icelandic authorities decided it was best to cooperate but formally maintain a neutral standing. Prime Minister Hermann Jónasson made a radio address to his people that night, telling them not to interfere with the British troops. They were to treat them as guests.

To put this invasion in context, on the same day, Germany invaded France, Belgium, Luxembourg, and the Netherlands, and Winston Churchill became the Prime Minister of Britain.

One week later, 4,000 British Army troops relieved the initial invasion force. This force was subsequently augmented by Canadian and other Commonwealth troops up to 25,000. The following year, the British troops were replaced by American troops (America was not yet in the war). The Americans stayed for the rest of the war and beyond. Iceland became a member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and hosted American and other NATO troops throughout the Cold War. American forces officially withdrew in 2006, although NATO allies regularly deploy aircraft in Iceland, and the country is a key participant in NATO’s integrated air defense system.

Today's 1932, 1936, 1938, 1939, 1940 . . .

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, combined with the weak response from the West, parallels Imperial Japan’s invasion of China in 1932. Or is it Fascist Italy’s invasion of Ethiopia (Abyssinia) in 1936. Perhaps it’s Nazi Germany’s Sudetenland demands of 1938 and annexation of the rest of Czechoslovakia in 1939? Maybe it’s parallel to the German invasion of Poland later that same year, the Soviet invasion of Finland, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania in 1939-40, Hungary in 1956, Czechoslovakia in 1968, Afghanistan in 1979, the U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003, Russia’s invasion of Georgia in 2008 or Ukraine in 2014. Now that I’ve listed those (admittedly missing many other examples) I have to say, there are a lot of parallels to pull from. In all cases, sovereign countries were invaded in wars of choice by those conducting the invasion.

What right does any country have to invade another? What right does any leader have to inflict harm on the civilians of another country? The answer is: None.

What obligation does the rest of the world have when yet another egocentric, self-isolated, dictator with zero regard for human life other than his own orders an attack on others? The answer is: We all have a responsibility to stand up and say “THIS CANNOT STAND.” If we fail to stand now, we will have to stand later for more cost, inducing more suffering, and we will hold the responsibility for all those extra who suffer because of the variance between standing now and then.

Standing against Russian aggression in Ukraine will be costly, both economically, and potentially in terms of human lives. Yet, not standing invites more aggression by Russia and others. The world learns from precedent. If those in charge of countries see little to no cost in invading their neighbors then this will not end here. In the 1930s the West was still shocked by the cost of what they referred to as The Great War (World War I) and no rational person wanted to have a second. Unfortunately, they were dealing with irrational people. We are in the same space today. Those who launched this war of choice are not acting rationally. They are acting from delusional fear. The world cannot allow a dictator’s personal fears lead anyone but themselves into suffering.

The rule of law, democracy, international law, and human rights demand we stand up as a United Nations again, like we did in the 1940s to stop this naked aggression. Ukraine was a founding member of The United Nations in 1945. Ukraine, like every other country, has the right to exist in peace and security. No other country, no matter if it has nuclear weapons or is a permanent member of the Security Council, has the right to act otherwise.

History does not repeat, but there are plenty of parallels. Let’s not condemn millions of people to suffering because we are too week to stop the parallels here and now. Stand with Ukraine against Russian aggression. Stand with the United Nations to support the right of states to exist. Stand with humanity to protect the lives of all the innocent civilians caught up in this tragedy brought to life through the mind of yet another dictator.