Icy

British Invasion of Iceland 1940

Word came down early this morning an observation plane flew over Reykjavik for more than an hour. At 03:40, a fellow policeman spotted a small fleet of ships off the harbor, but could not tell what nationality they were.

Following the news of the invasion and capitulation of Denmark, as well as the sudden invasion and occupation of Norway by the Germans, we’re naturally a little on edge about a foreign fleet of ships showing up off of our coast. Finar Arnalds, our acting Chief of Police, went out to see for himself. Realizing the ships were British, he contacted the Foreign Ministry to inform them our neutrality was about to be violated and headed out with our party to meet the ships as they docked.

Finar asked to speak with the captain of the first British ship, a destroyer, but was refused.

He then called the Prime Minister, who ordered him not to interfere with the British troops and to try to prevent conflicts between them and Icelanders.

Now they are pulling up to the quays, preparing to unload troops. A small crowd has assembled to see the British land. The British consul, who clearly received notice of the invasion, is waiting with his associates to assist the troops as they arrive. He walks up to Fris, our Commander.

"Would you mind ... getting the crowd to stand back a bit, so that the soldiers can get off the destroyer?" he asks.

"Certainly," comes Fris’ reply.

We’re here to keep the peace.

As the first British troops begin their descent from their ship, the crowd becomes agitated, calling out names and yelling at them to go home.

“Calm those folks down!” Fris orders our small contingent.

I’m not calm. My home is being invaded by a foreign army.

We spread out, attempting to talk the people away from yelling at the British.

“Sir, please remain calm. We will inform them they are violating our neutrality.” I offer in the most calming voice that I can muster to a man impatiently holding a cigarette in his shaking hands.

“They’re no better than the Germans, invading us like this! How is this different from Oslo? I’ll tell you how, at least there, the Norwegians resisted!”

He’s right, at least in Oslo the Norwegians put up a fight, sinking several German ships.

“Yes, but the Norwegians have a military. Sir, we have 70 policemen in the whole of Reykjavík. What would you have us do?” I reply, hoping the facts of the matter will settle him.

What can we do? They have hundreds of men pouring out of these ships. We couldn’t stop them even if we wanted to.

The rest of the crowd seems to be calming down, but this man has burned through one cigarette and is already on another. Simply burning through, rather than smoking them, as he barely brings the lit sticks to his mouth in between raves.

“I tell you, this is the end of our freedom! We’ll be at war, occupied by a foreign power. This is the end of our independence!” he barks, barely taking a break to breathe between snippets of anger.

How long will they be here? Will the Germans invade now that the British have? How will we feed them?

A less than impressive line of British soldiers begins walking up the street in front of the crowd. Wrinkled uniforms, sickly looking men, and an odd assortment of hand-held weapons combine to create the impression of a retreating, rather than invading army.

They look awful.

As I’m gazing at the motley bunch of British soldiers, the agitated man slips past me, heading directly for one of the meeker looking men in British uniform.

What’s he going to do?

Running after him, I cannot catch him in time.

He grabs hold of the poor soldier’s weapon.

No, don’t cause a problem, please!

“Take your hands from that man’s gun!” I say softly as I come up behind him, taking his arm.

Without noticing me, he stuffs a cigarette in the barrel of the gun, and then throws it back to the shocked soldier.

“Be careful with this!” the man yells at the stunned British boy soldier.

I pull him away as a British officer starts yelling at the poor soldier.

May that be the worst thing that happens today.

The man, clearly satisfied with his actions, turns and walks away.

I turn back to watch the motley army invade my homeland.

A British soldier smiles at me.

I smile back.

 

On May 10, 1940, a quickly assembled, poorly trained, and under-equipped British force of 746 Marines from the 2nd Royal Marine Battalion conducted Operation Fork, the invasion of neutral Iceland by landing in Reykjavik. On the heels of the German invasions of Denmark and Norway, the British felt they could not lose access to the North Atlantic and had to act quickly, despite Iceland’s declared neutrality in the war. The British ordered a reserve unit of untrained men (the only men currently available) into immediate action. (The 2nd Battalion only received orders to prepare for deployment on May 3.) The only resistance met was one man, who grabbed a soldier’s weapon, stubbed his cigarette out in its barrel, and then left the scene.

That evening, the Icelandic government formally issued a statement noting their neutrality had been “flagrantly violated” and “its independence infringed.” Iceland wanted no part in the war and intended for both warring parties to stay away from its territory. The British government attempted to put lipstick on the pig by promising payment for any damage, favorable trade agreements, non-interference in domestic affairs, and a promise that troops would be withdrawn at the end of the war. The Icelandic authorities decided it was best to cooperate but formally maintain a neutral standing. Prime Minister Hermann Jónasson made a radio address to his people that night, telling them not to interfere with the British troops. They were to treat them as guests.

To put this invasion in context, on the same day, Germany invaded France, Belgium, Luxembourg, and the Netherlands, and Winston Churchill became the Prime Minister of Britain.

One week later, 4,000 British Army troops relieved the initial invasion force. This force was subsequently augmented by Canadian and other Commonwealth troops up to 25,000. The following year, the British troops were replaced by American troops (America was not yet in the war). The Americans stayed for the rest of the war and beyond. Iceland became a member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and hosted American and other NATO troops throughout the Cold War. American forces officially withdrew in 2006, although NATO allies regularly deploy aircraft in Iceland, and the country is a key participant in NATO’s integrated air defense system.

Bus Ride

Turning my underpowered bus on this Kansas red dirt road, I see the next set of passengers waiting to board.

A mix of folks stand at the stop, awaiting my arrival in the dry, rust-colored summer dust.

I glide the bus to a stop, gently opening the door just as the wheels cease their rotation.

Another masterly stop.

Uniformed soldiers and made-up ladies ascend the staircase as they smile at me.

I don’t want to smile. I want to drive.

They walk past me, filling in the rows behind my seat.

Reminds me of driving back in Memphis, ’cept for the roads here ain’t as good.

A Negro officer and lady take seats in the second row, in front of white soldiers and ladies.

“Son, you’ll have to move back,” I announce to the boy, figuring the woman will move with him.

He looks at me, jaw dropping.

What, ain’t no one ever talked to you like that, nigger?

“You looking at me boy?” I say.

He don’t stop lookin’.

“I am not moving. You see this uniform? You see this bar? You know what they mean? They mean I’m in the United States Army, and I’m an officer at that. You have no right to tell me to move from this seat,” the boy replies.

Back home I’d haul off and slap that boy. Here, well, there’s other ways to deal with the uppity.

“Have it your way, son,” I reply, turning back around to finish the route.

I look back in the mirror at the Negro and his female companion, sitting in the second row.

Ain’t you comfy boy?

A few more stops, we get to the end of the line. I stop the bus in another smooth glide home, parking it right in front of the base hospital.

Before the passengers have a chance to get off, I leave my seat, walk out the just-opened doors, and head over to the nearest Military Police Officer.

“Sir,” I say. “I just suffered insubordination of a young soldier on my bus. Please deal with him accordingly,” as I point to the Negro who was so proud of his little bar.

I’ll show you yet, you uppity boy.

The MP walks with purpose toward the chatting Negro, apprehending him while pushing the woman to the side.

“You talking back, boy?” the MP says as he cuffs the Negro.

“What are you doing? I’ve done nothing wrong,” the boy protests.

“That’s not what I heard, boy. You’re coming with me,” the MP says as he yanks against the cuffs, pulling the Negro soldier with him.

Ain’t no Negro talkin’ back to me.

*****





Jack Roosevelt Robinson became the first African-American to play in Major League Baseball (MLB) in the modern era, but this was not the first time Robinson broke a color line.

In 1942, Robinson was drafted and assigned to a segregated Army cavalry unit in Fort Riley, Kansas. Having the requisite qualifications, Robinson and several other black soldiers applied for admission to an Officer Candidate School (OCS). Although the Army’s initial July 1941 guidelines for OCS had been drafted as race neutral, few black applicants were admitted into OCS until after subsequent directives by Army leadership. As a result, the applications of Robinson and his colleagues were delayed for several months. After protests by heavyweight boxing champion Joe Louis (then stationed at Fort Riley) and the help of Truman Gibson (then an assistant civilian aide to the Secretary of War), the men were accepted into OCS. The experience led to a personal friendship between Robinson and Louis. Upon finishing OCS, Robinson was commissioned as a second lieutenant in January 1943.


Lt. Robinson was an officer with the 761st Tank Battalion. This unit of African-American soldiers - later dubbed The Black Panthers (and Patton’s Panthers) - became famous when they fought for 183 straight days in Europe (including at the Battle of the Bulge). Their motto was Come Out Fighting.



If an eventful bus ride had not sidetracked Jack Robinson during the summer of 1944, the 2nd Lieutenant could have been with his men when they shipped out to Europe and fought in Belgium later that year.  Instead, he faced charges of insubordination, resulting in a court-martial.

On July 6, 1944, Robinson was awaiting results of hospital tests on the ankle he had injured in junior college. He boarded an Army bus with a fellow officer’s wife. Although the Army had commissioned its own unsegregated bus line, the bus driver ordered Robinson to move to the back of the bus. Robinson refused.

The driver backed down, but after reaching the end of the line, summoned the military police, who took Robinson into custody. When Robinson later confronted the investigating duty officer about racist questioning by the officer and his assistant, the officer recommended Robinson be court-martialed. After Robinson's commander in the 761st, Paul L. Bates, refused to authorize the legal action, Robinson was summarily transferred to the 758th Battalion—where the commander quickly consented to charge Robinson with multiple offenses, including, among other charges, public drunkenness, even though Robinson did not drink.

By the time of the court-martial in August 1944, the charges against Robinson had been reduced to two counts of insubordination during questioning. Robinson was acquitted by an all-white panel of
 nine officers.

Today's 1932, 1936, 1938, 1939, 1940 . . .

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, combined with the weak response from the West, parallels Imperial Japan’s invasion of China in 1932. Or is it Fascist Italy’s invasion of Ethiopia (Abyssinia) in 1936. Perhaps it’s Nazi Germany’s Sudetenland demands of 1938 and annexation of the rest of Czechoslovakia in 1939? Maybe it’s parallel to the German invasion of Poland later that same year, the Soviet invasion of Finland, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania in 1939-40, Hungary in 1956, Czechoslovakia in 1968, Afghanistan in 1979, the U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003, Russia’s invasion of Georgia in 2008 or Ukraine in 2014. Now that I’ve listed those (admittedly missing many other examples) I have to say, there are a lot of parallels to pull from. In all cases, sovereign countries were invaded in wars of choice by those conducting the invasion.

What right does any country have to invade another? What right does any leader have to inflict harm on the civilians of another country? The answer is: None.

What obligation does the rest of the world have when yet another egocentric, self-isolated, dictator with zero regard for human life other than his own orders an attack on others? The answer is: We all have a responsibility to stand up and say “THIS CANNOT STAND.” If we fail to stand now, we will have to stand later for more cost, inducing more suffering, and we will hold the responsibility for all those extra who suffer because of the variance between standing now and then.

Standing against Russian aggression in Ukraine will be costly, both economically, and potentially in terms of human lives. Yet, not standing invites more aggression by Russia and others. The world learns from precedent. If those in charge of countries see little to no cost in invading their neighbors then this will not end here. In the 1930s the West was still shocked by the cost of what they referred to as The Great War (World War I) and no rational person wanted to have a second. Unfortunately, they were dealing with irrational people. We are in the same space today. Those who launched this war of choice are not acting rationally. They are acting from delusional fear. The world cannot allow a dictator’s personal fears lead anyone but themselves into suffering.

The rule of law, democracy, international law, and human rights demand we stand up as a United Nations again, like we did in the 1940s to stop this naked aggression. Ukraine was a founding member of The United Nations in 1945. Ukraine, like every other country, has the right to exist in peace and security. No other country, no matter if it has nuclear weapons or is a permanent member of the Security Council, has the right to act otherwise.

History does not repeat, but there are plenty of parallels. Let’s not condemn millions of people to suffering because we are too week to stop the parallels here and now. Stand with Ukraine against Russian aggression. Stand with the United Nations to support the right of states to exist. Stand with humanity to protect the lives of all the innocent civilians caught up in this tragedy brought to life through the mind of yet another dictator.